Every KiwiValues research post so far has put two parties' voters side by side. This one turns the compass on a single party instead: 230 Green Party supporters who answered the survey, more than we've had for any party comparison this series has run. That's a decent sample, but this remains a self-selected group that skews younger and more online than the country as a whole, so treat the shapes below as directional, not a poll. Where we bring in ACT, NZ First or National for comparison, their samples are much smaller (43, 43 and 27 respectively), so read those as showing direction, not exact distance.

Where Greens voters sit on the compass

Greens supporters Other parties, live position LEFT RIGHT AUTHORITARIAN LIBERTARIAN OPP, live position OPP Labour, live position Labour ACT, live position ACT NZ First, live position NZ First National, live position National Greens, live position (n = 230) Greens
n = 230. The ellipse spans one standard deviation each way from the group's mean position; the ringed dot is the position the live compass shows for Greens, other parties' live dots are shown muted for comparison.
Section 1 of 7

Where Greens voters sit

On the live compass, Greens sit well left of centre and just below the line, on the libertarian side: an x of −3.32 and a y of +0.13, on a compass where 0 is the political centre in both directions. The 230 respondents behind that dot aren't stacked on a single point, of course. Their cloud spreads out with a standard deviation of 1.18 units left-right and 0.72 units up-down, which is why the ellipse above is a wide oval rather than a circle: as a group, Greens voters agree far more about being on the left than about exactly how authoritarian or libertarian they are.

The cloud's own average sits almost exactly on the site's live dot for the party, a reassuring sign that 230 respondents is enough for the group's centre to have settled down rather than still wandering with each new response.

Section 2 of 7

How tightly Greens voters cluster

How spread out Greens voters are

Left-right position Greens n = 230 Greens: mean -3.33, middle half -4.12 to -2.66, 5th to 95th -5.12 to -1.37 (n = 230) OPP n = 195 OPP: mean -1.90, middle half -2.81 to -0.96, 5th to 95th -4.01 to +0.29 (n = 195) Labour n = 152 Labour: mean -1.86, middle half -2.79 to -1.02, 5th to 95th -3.99 to +0.10 (n = 152) ACT n = 43 ACT: mean +3.07, middle half +2.52 to +3.67, 5th to 95th +1.28 to +4.66 (n = 43) NZ First n = 43 NZ First: mean +2.41, middle half +1.22 to +3.84, 5th to 95th +0.18 to +4.79 (n = 43) National n = 27 National: mean +1.74, middle half +0.60 to +2.69, 5th to 95th -0.22 to +3.54 (n = 27) LEFT RIGHT 0 Authoritarian-libertarian position Greens n = 230 Greens: mean +0.10, middle half -0.35 to +0.58, 5th to 95th -1.13 to +1.25 (n = 230) OPP n = 195 OPP: mean +0.40, middle half -0.11 to +1.06, 5th to 95th -1.18 to +1.93 (n = 195) Labour n = 152 Labour: mean -0.09, middle half -0.66 to +0.48, 5th to 95th -1.78 to +1.50 (n = 152) ACT n = 43 ACT: mean +0.83, middle half +0.12 to +1.55, 5th to 95th -0.69 to +2.61 (n = 43) NZ First n = 43 NZ First: mean -0.49, middle half -1.31 to +0.40, 5th to 95th -1.93 to +0.92 (n = 43) National n = 27 National: mean -0.01, middle half -1.03 to +0.69, 5th to 95th -1.39 to +2.13 (n = 27) AUTHORITARIAN LIBERTARIAN 0
The thick line spans the middle half of Greens supporters' scores on each axis; the thin line is the 5th to 95th percentile range. The other parties are shown muted, for scale. n = 230 for Greens.

Line every plotted party up on the same scale and Greens don't stand out as unusually tight on the left-right axis: their answers run from about −4.1 to −2.7 for the middle half, a narrower band than Labour or OPP but wider than ACT's, whose voters agree with each other about being on the right more tightly than Greens agree about being on the left.

Where Greens really do stand out is the other axis. Their middle half on the authoritarian-libertarian line runs from −0.35 to +0.58, the narrowest band of any of the six parties we can measure here. Every other party's voters spread wider on that axis, National and NZ First especially. So the usual left-right story undersells how settled Greens voters are about where they sit vertically on the compass, even though they're less settled about it than about being on the left.

Section 3 of 7

Where Greens voters differ most from everyone else

Where Greens voters differ most from everyone else

Greens supporters Everyone else Heavily tax the rich Heavily tax the rich: Greens +0.79, everyone else +0.19 (gap +0.60) Protect gender identity in law Protect gender identity in law: Greens +0.68, everyone else +0.08 (gap +0.59) Billionaires are selfish hoarders Billionaires are selfish hoarders: Greens +0.77, everyone else +0.18 (gap +0.59) Mining even if it harms environment Mining even if it harms environment: Greens -0.66, everyone else -0.11 (gap -0.54) Justice system discriminates Justice system discriminates: Greens +0.55, everyone else +0.01 (gap +0.54) Capitalism is the best system Capitalism is the best system: Greens -0.35, everyone else +0.18 (gap -0.54) Treaty should play a larger role Treaty should play a larger role: Greens +0.50, everyone else -0.03 (gap +0.53) Voting age 16 Voting age 16: Greens +0.35, everyone else -0.18 (gap +0.52) History is colonial oppression History is colonial oppression: Greens +0.67, everyone else +0.15 (gap +0.52) Cut regulation for growth Cut regulation for growth: Greens -0.46, everyone else +0.06 (gap -0.52) Strengthen hate speech laws Strengthen hate speech laws: Greens +0.49, everyone else -0.02 (gap +0.52) Treaty settlements favour Māori Treaty settlements favour Māori: Greens -0.67, everyone else -0.17 (gap -0.50) Strongly disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly agree
Dots are each group's mean answer; the line is the gap between them. 'Everyone else' is every other respondent in this left-leaning sample, not the general population. n = 230 Greens supporters.

Measured against every other respondent in the survey, not just one rival party, the widest gap is on taxing the rich: Greens voters average +0.79 on heavily taxing the wealth of the rich, against +0.19 for everyone else who took the survey, a gap of 0.60. Protecting gender identity in law and billionaires hoarding wealth selfishly follow close behind, both with gaps just under 0.60.

Since this survey's respondents lean left overall, "everyone else" here means everyone else who took the survey, not the general population, so these gaps likely understate how Greens voters compare with the country as a whole on the further-right end of that list.

At the other end, a few statements barely tell Greens voters apart from everyone else at all: whether the government should monitor online activity to prevent terrorism, whether genetic modification should be restricted, and a land value tax. On those, Greens voters look like the survey's respondents in general, not like a distinct bloc.

Section 4 of 7

What unites and splits Greens voters

What Greens voters agree and split on among themselves

Most united (lowest spread) Marriage only between man and woman Marriage only between man and woman: mean -0.95, sd 0.22, middle half -0.94 to -0.79 (n = 230) Not doing enough on climate Not doing enough on climate: mean +0.89, sd 0.25, middle half +0.74 to +0.94 (n = 230) Religious values in public schools Religious values in public schools: mean -0.89, sd 0.27, middle half -0.94 to -0.74 (n = 230) Market can't protect environment Market can't protect environment: mean +0.85, sd 0.29, middle half +0.68 to +0.93 (n = 230) Free school lunches Free school lunches: mean +0.81, sd 0.30, middle half +0.59 to +0.93 (n = 230) Heavily tax the rich Heavily tax the rich: mean +0.79, sd 0.30, middle half +0.56 to +0.92 (n = 230) NZ handled COVID well NZ handled COVID well: mean +0.77, sd 0.31, middle half +0.54 to +0.91 (n = 230) Subsidise rooftop solar Subsidise rooftop solar: mean +0.75, sd 0.32, middle half +0.53 to +0.91 (n = 61) Most divided (highest spread, feelings not neutral) Voting age 16 Voting age 16: mean +0.35, sd 0.64, middle half -0.04 to +0.83 (n = 61) Should be able to own a firearm Should be able to own a firearm: mean -0.40, sd 0.60, middle half -0.85 to +0.08 (n = 230) Nothing to hide, nothing to fear Nothing to hide, nothing to fear: mean -0.52, sd 0.55, middle half -0.88 to -0.27 (n = 230) Parties can be bought Parties can be bought: mean +0.66, sd 0.54, middle half +0.48 to +0.92 (n = 230) No preferential treatment for Māori No preferential treatment for Māori: mean -0.35, sd 0.51, middle half -0.71 to -0.05 (n = 230) Cycle lanes over roads Cycle lanes over roads: mean +0.43, sd 0.51, middle half +0.11 to +0.83 (n = 61) Prohibit pornography Prohibit pornography: mean -0.33, sd 0.50, middle half -0.67 to +0.01 (n = 230) Coalitions worse than majorities Coalitions worse than majorities: mean -0.35, sd 0.50, middle half -0.71 to +0.00 (n = 230) Strongly disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly agree
Dot is the group's mean answer; the line spans the middle half of the group's answers, lightly smoothed. The divided list is filtered to statements where the group's average is at least 0.3 away from neutral, so the ranking reflects genuine internal splits rather than statements the group mostly shrugs at. n = 230 Greens supporters answered most of these statements.

Among themselves, Greens voters agree most tightly that marriage shouldn't be defined as only between a man and a woman, that the country isn't doing enough about climate change, and that schools shouldn't teach religious values. All three sit near the far end of the scale with very little spread: this isn't a group quietly divided beneath a shared average, it's actual agreement.

Once we filter out statements the group mostly shrugs at, the real internal splits show up on lowering the voting age to 16, on whether people should be able to own a firearm, on "if you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear," and on whether political parties can be bought by wealthy donors. None of these are landslides in either direction; they're the questions where Greens voters' own answers spread widest while still, on average, leaning somewhere.

Section 5 of 7

Who Greens voters are

The demographic shape of Greens voters

Greens supporters Whole sample Age (n = 221) 18 to 24 18 to 24: Greens 22%, whole sample 20% 22% / 20% 25 to 34 25 to 34: Greens 40%, whole sample 35% 40% / 35% 35 to 44 35 to 44: Greens 20%, whole sample 22% 20% / 22% 45 to 54 45 to 54: Greens 9%, whole sample 12% 9% / 12% 55 to 64 55 to 64: Greens 7%, whole sample 6% 7% / 6% Gender (n = 228) Man Man: Greens 57%, whole sample 68% 57% / 68% Woman Woman: Greens 35%, whole sample 28% 35% / 28% Gender Diverse Gender Diverse: Greens 6%, whole sample 2% 6% / 2% Prefer not to say Prefer not to say: Greens 3%, whole sample 2% 3% / 2% Education (n = 225) Did not complete high school Did not complete high school: Greens 5%, whole sample 4% 5% / 4% High school High school: Greens 10%, whole sample 13% 10% / 13% Some tertiary Some tertiary: Greens 28%, whole sample 23% 28% / 23% Bachelors (undergraduate) Bachelors (undergraduate): Greens 35%, whole sample 36% 35% / 36% Postgraduate Postgraduate: Greens 20%, whole sample 22% 20% / 22% PhD PhD: Greens 3%, whole sample 3% 3% / 3% Household income (n = 223) <$40,000 <$40,000: Greens 37%, whole sample 29% 37% / 29% $40,000-$80,000 $40,000-$80,000: Greens 18%, whole sample 21% 18% / 21% $80,000-$120,000 $80,000-$120,000: Greens 28%, whole sample 24% 28% / 24% $120,000-$180,000 $120,000-$180,000: Greens 12%, whole sample 17% 12% / 17% >$180,000 >$180,000: Greens 6%, whole sample 9% 6% / 9% Living situation (n = 225) Own with mortgage Own with mortgage: Greens 26%, whole sample 32% 26% / 32% Live with Family Live with Family: Greens 20%, whole sample 20% 20% / 20% Rent privately Rent privately: Greens 24%, whole sample 17% 24% / 17% Rent with group Rent with group: Greens 20%, whole sample 16% 20% / 16% Own mortgage-free Own mortgage-free: Greens 7%, whole sample 10% 7% / 10%
Share of respondents in each category, Greens supporters against the whole sample. Categories with too few Greens respondents to be meaningful are left off the chart rather than shown with an unreliable share. Blank answers are excluded from every denominator, on both sides of each bar. n = 230 Greens supporters.

The clearest demographic gap between Greens supporters and the whole sample is gender: men make up 57% of Greens voters against 68% of the whole sample, while women are 35% against 28%. Respondents who identify as gender diverse are also a noticeably larger share of Greens voters, 6% against 2% of the whole sample, even though that gap is small in absolute terms.

Age, education and living situation look fairly close to the whole sample, with Greens voters skewing slightly younger (25 to 34 year olds are 40% of the group against 35% of the whole sample) and a bit more likely to be on a lower household income (37% under $40,000 against 29% of the whole sample). None of these differences are dramatic; gender is the one that stands out.

Section 6 of 7

Which other party Greens voters land closest to

Which other party Greens voters land closest to

Greens Greens: 69% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 69% Labour Labour: 17% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 17% OPP OPP: 13% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 13% National National: 1% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 1% ACT ACT: 0% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 0% NZ First NZ First: 0% of Greens supporters land nearest this party's live dot 0%
Share of Greens supporters whose nearest live party dot, in the compass's own stretched frame, is each party. n = 230.

Run every Green Party supporter's own compass position through the site's own nearest-dot matching, the same logic that tells a respondent which party they're closest to, and 69% land nearest the Greens' own live dot. The other 31% would be matched somewhere else: 17% land nearest Labour, 13% nearest OPP, and a small remainder nearest National. Nobody in this group lands nearest ACT or NZ First.

Zoom out from individual respondents to the group's average position and the same pattern holds: among the other parties' live dots, the Greens' cloud mean sits closest to Labour's, though still well over a unit away in the compass's own stretched frame. Green and Labour voters aren't the same group, but they're each other's nearest neighbours on this compass more often than any other pairing in this dataset.

Section 7 of 7

How sure are we

230 respondents is a reasonable sample for a party's own voters, comfortably the largest we've profiled in this series so far, so the findings about Greens voters themselves are on firmer ground than most of what this series has published. The comparisons to smaller parties, ACT, NZ First and National, are the weaker links: a handful of different respondents in those groups could shift their averages more than the same handful would shift the Greens'.

The demographic breakdown and the "differs most from everyone else" figures both compare Greens voters against the rest of this sample, which skews younger and more online than the country as a whole. A gap measured against that baseline is a real feature of this sample, but it isn't the same claim as a gap against the general population, and we've tried to say so wherever it matters above.

For more on who has answered the survey so far, see the sample composition page. For how the compass and this kind of profile are built, see the methodology page.

Want to see where your own answers land? Take the survey at kiwivalues.nz.