98% of Labour voters agree on one thing, and it isn’t tax
The second post in this series profiles one party's voters on their own terms. Labour's
155 respondents agree about Māori culture more tightly than about anything else on the
survey, tax included, and on almost every other statement they sit closer to the survey's
average than any other party's voters do.
22 September 2026n = 155 Labour
This is the second post in the series, after
Who votes Greens. It does the same thing for
Labour: 155 Labour Party supporters who answered the survey, profiled on their own terms
rather than against a single rival. That is a solid sample for one party, though still a
self-selected group that skews younger and more online than the country as a whole, so
read the shapes below as directional rather than as a poll. Where ACT, NZ First or
National come in for comparison their samples are much smaller (43, 43 and 27
respectively), so those show direction, not exact distance.
The short version: 98% of them agree that Māori culture is important to New Zealand,
which is both the highest agreement and the tightest spread of any statement they
answered. Taxing the rich, the thing a left-leaning party's voters might be expected to
be most united on, comes in well behind that.
Where Labour voters sit on the compass
n = 155. The ellipse spans one standard deviation each way from the group's mean position; the ringed dot is the position the live compass shows for Labour, other parties' live dots are shown muted for comparison.Section 1 of 7
Where Labour voters sit
On the live compass Labour sits left of centre and almost exactly on the horizontal line:
an x of −1.86 and a y of −0.09, on a compass where 0 is the political centre
in both directions. So the party's voters are clearly on the left, and as a group they
are neither authoritarian nor libertarian to any real degree.
The 155 respondents behind that dot spread out around it by 1.50 units left-right and
0.97 units up-down, which is why the ellipse above is a wide oval. Their own average sits
on the live dot almost perfectly, about a hundredth of a unit away, so the group's centre
has settled rather than still moving with each new response.
Section 2 of 7
How spread out Labour voters are
How spread out Labour voters are
The thick line spans the middle half of Labour supporters' scores on each axis; the thin line is the 5th to 95th percentile range. The other parties are shown muted, for scale. n = 155 for Labour.
Lined up against the other plotted parties, Labour's voters are middling on the
left-right axis: their middle half runs from about −2.8 to −1.0, wider than
Greens or ACT voters' bands and narrower than the other three. They are clearly a
left-of-centre group, but a less concentrated one than the party furthest left in this
sample.
On the authoritarian-libertarian axis Labour's middle half runs from about −0.7 to
+0.5. Only Greens voters are tighter on that axis, and every party to the right of centre
is wider, though with 43, 43 and 27 respondents those three comparisons show direction
rather than an exact width. Labour voters are a reasonably settled group vertically, they
just settle either side of the line rather than on one side of it.
Section 3 of 7
Where Labour voters differ most from everyone else
Where Labour voters differ most from everyone else
Dots are each group's mean answer; the line is the gap between them. 'Everyone else' is every other respondent in this left-leaning sample, not the general population. n = 155 Labour supporters.
Measured against every other respondent in the survey rather than one rival party, what
stands out is how small Labour's gaps are. The widest is on the COVID response: Labour
voters average +0.73 on New Zealand having responded well, against +0.46 for everyone
else, a gap of 0.27. For comparison, the Greens' widest gap in the
first post in this series was more than twice
that. Labour voters are close to the survey's average on nearly everything.
The handful of statements that do separate them cluster around the state and its
authority: authority always being respected (+0.25 above everyone else), owning a firearm
(0.25 below), "if you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear" (+0.21) and
strengthening hate speech laws (+0.18). Within the three left-leaning groups in this
sample, Labour's are the least suspicious of authority: on authority always being
respected they average −0.05 against Greens voters' −0.47 and OPP voters'
−0.30. Against the smaller right-leaning groups, though, that ordering reverses, so
this is a difference inside the left of the sample, not a claim that Labour voters are
the most comfortable with authority overall.
Three statements barely tell Labour voters apart from everyone else at all: whether
capitalism is the best system we have devised, whether the housing crisis is one of the
most pressing issues facing the country, and whether they are confident in New Zealand's
future. On those, Labour voters look like the survey's respondents in general.
Section 4 of 7
What unites and splits Labour voters
What Labour voters agree and split on among themselves
Dot is the group's mean answer; the line spans the middle half of the group's answers, lightly smoothed. The divided list is filtered to statements where the group's average is at least 0.3 away from neutral, so the ranking reflects genuine internal splits rather than statements the group mostly shrugs at. n = 155 Labour supporters answered most of these statements.
Among themselves, Labour voters agree most tightly that Māori culture is important to New
Zealand: 98% of them agree with it, it averages +0.75, and its spread is the narrowest of
any statement they answered. Behind it come the country having responded well to COVID
(+0.73, 94% agreeing), public schools not instilling religious values (−0.78) and
being proud to be a New Zealander (+0.50). These are not averages hiding a quiet split,
they are genuine agreement.
Once statements the group mostly shrugs at are filtered out, the real internal splits show
up on owning a firearm, on how important religion is to them personally, on whether
multi-millionaires and billionaires are selfish hoarders of excess wealth, and on
legalising cannabis. Firearms is the clearest of those: 28% of Labour voters agree they
should be able to own one, 61% disagree, and the middle half of their answers straddles
neutral. Taxing the rich, by contrast, is not really a split at all: 82% agree, and the
group's answers spread widely but almost entirely on the agreeing side of the scale.
Section 5 of 7
Who Labour voters are
The demographic shape of Labour voters
Share of respondents in each category, Labour supporters against the whole sample. Categories with too few Labour respondents to be meaningful are left off the chart rather than shown with an unreliable share. Blank answers are excluded from every denominator, on both sides of each bar. n = 155 Labour supporters.
The clearest demographic difference is age. Respondents aged 35 to 44 are 32% of Labour
voters against 22% of the whole sample, and 45 to 54 year olds 17% against 12%, while 18
to 24 year olds are 12% against 20%. Labour's respondents are the mid-career end of this
survey's audience rather than its youngest.
Housing and income follow the same shape. Owning with a mortgage covers 39% of Labour
voters against 33% of the whole sample, and households above $180,000 are 13% against 9%,
while the under $40,000 group is 23% against 29%. Gender, on the other hand, is
unremarkable here: 66% men and 31% women, against 68% and 28% across the whole sample.
Section 6 of 7
Which other party Labour voters land closest to
Which other party Labour voters land closest to
Share of Labour supporters whose nearest live party dot, in the compass's own stretched frame, is each party. n = 155.
Run every Labour supporter's own position through the site's nearest-dot matching, the
same logic that tells a respondent which party they are closest to, and 41% land nearest
Labour's own dot. The rest are split almost evenly between its two neighbours: 26% land
nearest OPP and 26% nearest Greens, with a handful nearest National, ACT or NZ First.
That is the lowest own-party share this series has measured, and the reason is geometry
rather than anything about Labour voters themselves. Labour's dot has a close neighbour
on either side of it, under a unit away in the compass's own stretched frame, so a group
spread 1.50 units wide left-right is bound to spill over both sides. It is worth keeping
in mind whenever the site tells a respondent which single party they are closest to: for
a party sitting in a crowded part of the compass, that match is a fine distinction.
Section 7 of 7
How sure are we
155 respondents is a reasonable sample for one party's voters, so the findings about
Labour voters themselves stand on firmer ground than the comparisons. ACT, NZ First and
National, with 43, 43 and 27 respondents, are the weak links: a few different respondents
in those groups would move their averages more than the same few would move Labour's.
Some of the newest statements in the survey have only been in front of respondents
recently, so a few rows in the agreement charts rest on fewer Labour answers than the
rest. Statements without enough of the party's voters behind them are left off the charts
entirely rather than drawn with an unreliable average.
The demographic breakdown and the "differs most from everyone else" figures both compare
Labour voters against the rest of this sample, which skews younger and more online than
the country as a whole. A gap measured against that baseline is a real feature of this
sample, but it is not the same claim as a gap against the general population.