OPP voters are the only group that clearly backs a land value tax
The third post in this series profiles one party's voters on their own terms. OPP's 196
respondents are marked out from everyone else by two tax policies rather than by where
they sit on the compass, and one of them is a policy nobody else in the survey wants.
22 September 2026n = 196 OPP
This is the third post in the series, after
Who votes Greens and
Who votes Labour. The subject this time is The
Opportunity Party: 196 OPP supporters who answered the survey, the second largest group
of any party here. It is a good sample for one party, though still a self-selected group
that skews younger and more online than the country as a whole, so read the shapes below
as directional rather than as a poll. Where ACT, NZ First or National come in for
comparison their samples are much smaller (43, 43 and 27 respectively), so those show
direction, not exact distance.
One caveat matters more than the rest for this post. The sample leans left out of all
proportion: among respondents who named a party they voted for in 2023, Labour, the
Greens, Te Pāti Māori and OPP together make up 81% of the answers, against 44% of the
actual party vote that year, and National-leaning respondents are close to absent. OPP's
real support is not confined to that side of politics, and a good share of it comes from
people who would otherwise lean National, so the 196 OPP supporters here are likely one
slice of the party's base rather than the whole of it. Our own numbers are consistent
with that: only 13 of them land nearest a party to the right of centre. Read what follows
as a profile of the OPP voters this survey reaches, not of everyone who votes OPP. The
sample composition page charts the skew against the
Electoral Commission's result and updates as responses arrive.
Where OPP voters sit on the compass
n = 196. The ellipse spans one standard deviation each way from the group's mean position; the ringed dot is the position the live compass shows for OPP, other parties' live dots are shown muted for comparison.Section 1 of 7
Where OPP voters sit
On the live compass OPP sits left of centre and below the line, on the libertarian side:
an x of −1.91 and a y of +0.42, on a compass where 0 is the political centre in
both directions. It is a moderate position on the left-right axis rather than a strongly
left one, paired with a clear libertarian lean.
The 196 respondents behind that dot spread around it by 1.40 units left-right and 0.94
units up-down. Their own average lands on the live dot almost exactly, five hundredths
of a unit away, so the group's centre has settled rather than still moving with each new
response.
Section 2 of 7
How spread out OPP voters are
How spread out OPP voters are
The thick line spans the middle half of OPP supporters' scores on each axis; the thin line is the 5th to 95th percentile range. The other parties are shown muted, for scale. n = 196 for OPP.
OPP voters are the least concentrated of the three large groups on the left-right axis.
Their middle half runs from about −2.8 to −1.0, a wider band than either of
the other two, and wider again than ACT's, which is the tightest left-right band of the
six parties we can measure.
On the authoritarian-libertarian axis their middle half runs from about −0.1 to
+1.1, so three quarters of them sit on the libertarian side of the line or within a
whisker of it. That is the clearest thing the compass says about this group: not that
they are far left, which they are not, but that they lean libertarian fairly
consistently.
Section 3 of 7
Where OPP voters differ most from everyone else
Where OPP voters differ most from everyone else
Dots are each group's mean answer; the line is the gap between them. 'Everyone else' is every other respondent in this left-leaning sample, not the general population. n = 196 OPP supporters.
This is where the group stops being moderate. The widest gap between OPP voters and
every other respondent is on a land value tax: they average +0.52 on it, against
−0.04 for everyone else, and 81% of them agree with it. No other group we can
measure on it comes close. Greens voters sit barely above neutral on the same statement, Labour voters
almost exactly on it, and NZ First voters well below. It is a policy OPP has campaigned
on for years, and it is the single clearest marker of an OPP voter in this data.
A universal basic income is the second widest gap and rests on firmer ground, since every
respondent answered it: OPP voters average +0.65 against +0.22 for everyone else, and
that is the strongest support for a UBI of any group in the survey, Greens voters
included. Tax policy, not the compass, is what makes this group distinct.
At the other end, several statements barely tell OPP voters apart from everyone else:
whether the justice system discriminates, whether immigrants should adopt New Zealand
values, and whether pornography should be prohibited. On those they look like the
survey's respondents in general.
Section 4 of 7
What unites and splits OPP voters
What OPP voters agree and split on among themselves
Dot is the group's mean answer; the line spans the middle half of the group's answers, lightly smoothed. The divided list is filtered to statements where the group's average is at least 0.3 away from neutral, so the ranking reflects genuine internal splits rather than statements the group mostly shrugs at. n = 196 OPP supporters answered most of these statements.
Among themselves, OPP voters agree most tightly that the market on its own will not
protect the environment (95% of them agree), that Māori culture is important to New
Zealand (94%), that we should build more apartments and townhouses in our cities (92%),
and that public schools should stay out of instilling religious values. For a party
often described as technocratic, the things its voters are surest about are not
technical at all.
Their real internal splits are on regulating AI even where that slows innovation, on how
important religion is to them personally, on whether billionaires are selfish hoarders of
excess wealth, and on "if you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear". The
billionaires one is the most interesting of those: the group averages +0.30, but 62%
agree and 22% disagree, so the average hides a genuine argument rather than a settled
view.
Section 5 of 7
Who OPP voters are
The demographic shape of OPP voters
Share of respondents in each category, OPP supporters against the whole sample. Categories with too few OPP respondents to be meaningful are left off the chart rather than shown with an unreliable share. Blank answers are excluded from every denominator, on both sides of each bar. n = 196 OPP supporters.
Two demographic differences stand out, and both run the same way. OPP supporters are the
most male of the three large groups here: 79% men and 19% women, against 68% and 28%
across the whole sample. And they are the oldest: 18% of them are 55 or over, against 8%
of Greens voters and 4% of Labour voters.
Income and housing follow that older profile. Households between $120,000 and $180,000
are 23% of OPP voters against 17% of the sample, owning mortgage-free is 15% against 11%,
and renting privately is 12% against 17%. This is a settled, established group rather
than the survey's younger renting end.
Section 6 of 7
Which other party OPP voters land closest to
Which other party OPP voters land closest to
Share of OPP supporters whose nearest live party dot, in the compass's own stretched frame, is each party. n = 196.
Run every OPP supporter's own position through the site's nearest-dot matching, the same
logic that tells a respondent which party they are closest to, and 46% land nearest OPP's
own dot. The rest divide almost evenly between the two parties on either side of it, 24%
and 23%, with a handful landing nearest National, NZ First or ACT.
That is a middling own-party share, higher than the last post's subject managed and well
below the Greens'. It reflects where the dot sits rather than anything about the voters:
this part of the compass is crowded, and a group spread 1.40 units wide left-right will
overlap its neighbours whatever it believes about tax.
Section 7 of 7
How sure are we
196 respondents is a good sample for one party's voters, so the findings about OPP voters
themselves are on firm ground. The comparisons with ACT, NZ First and National, at 43, 43
and 27 respondents, are the weak links: a few different respondents in those groups would
move their averages more than the same few would move OPP's.
The land value tax statement is newer than most, so it rests on about a third of this
group rather than all of it, and on similarly sized groups for the parties it is compared
against. The direction of that gap is clear and large. The exact size of it is the part
to treat as provisional, and the same applies to the house prices statement in the
agreement chart. Statements without enough of a party's voters behind them are left off
the charts entirely rather than drawn with an unreliable average.
The demographic breakdown and the "differs most from everyone else" figures both compare
OPP voters against the rest of this sample, which leans left of the country and skews
younger and more online. A gap measured against that baseline is a real feature of this
sample, but it is not the same claim as a gap against the general population.